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By Ata Ahmet K\u00f6k\u00e7\u00fc (edited by M\u00e9line Laffabry)<\/i><\/b><\/p>\n
On <\/span>9 March<\/span><\/a> 2023, an incident was reported by Alarm Phone. The organisation, initiated in October 2014 by activist networks and civil society actors in Europe and North Africa, operates as a crucial lifeline for refugees in distress in the Mediterranean Sea. That day, they reported \u201cTunisian Coast Guard stealing engines and watching from a distance,\u201d and shared the <\/span>testimony<\/span><\/a> of an exile. \u201cWe were born on the wrong side of the ocean and we are suffering. We have 6-month-old babies with us. The Tunisian coastguard took the engines to sell them for money.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n Alarm Phone isn’t alone in these accusations. Witnesses and <\/span>human rights organisations<\/span><\/a>, including the Tunisian Forum for Social and Economic Rights (FTDES), Oxfam, and Borderline Europe, all level similar charges against Tunisian authorities. These include brutal and severe measures such as ramming boats, physically assaulting occupants, and disabling vessels by removing their engines, leaving migrants adrift at sea. These practices \u00a0 have been reported by people in exile who tried to cross the Mediterranean, families of missing migrants, and Tunisian activists to El\u00e9onore Pl\u00e9, founder of <\/span>Specto M\u00e9dia<\/span><\/a>, while she was investigating the reality of people in exile in Tunisia in the summer of 2023.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n Tunisian authorities have denied the accusations or provided reasons which, according to them, explain why some of those measures have been taken.<\/span><\/p>\n Despite mounting evidence and international outcry, European governments also maintain a <\/span>stance<\/span><\/a> that aligns with Tunisian official narratives. They claim engine removal is a safety measure to facilitate rescue operations \u2014 a claim\u00a0 criticised by many as misleading. Critics, including Tunisian and European humanitarian organisations, argue that these practices constitute human rights violations. They accuse EU countries of complicity by continuing to support the Tunisian coast guard while downplaying the gravity of their actions. \u201cThe Tunisian coastguard\u2019s partners, especially Germany and Italy, are adopting Tunisia\u2019s narrative,\u201d <\/span>said<\/span><\/a> the Tunisian FTDES chairman Romdhane Ben Amor. \u201cWe see this as complicity in the concealment of attacks on migrants.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n The situation is further complicated by the perilous state of press freedom in Tunisia, particularly since 2021. “You know journalism in Tunisia today is both difficult and very risky,” confided a Tunisian journalist who wished to remain anonymous for safety reasons. “Since 2021, we are not allowed to work on the ground and many journalists are now jailed because they reported\u00a0 stuff. What you said about migrants is what we all say, but we are unable to prove it because we can’t do the necessary investigations.”<\/span><\/p>\n Despite the accusations against the Tunisian coast guards and numerous <\/span>critics<\/span><\/a> about the <\/span>impact EU financial support for border control in Tunisia<\/span><\/a>, the European Union has sought to bolster Tunisia’s capacity to manage migration and the challenges it brings. On 22 September 2023, in line with the <\/span>Memorandum of Understanding<\/span><\/a> (MoU) on a strategic and comprehensive partnership, the EU announced significant financial support for Tunisia. This included \u20ac60 million for post-Covid recovery, requested by Tunisia on 31 August, and an additional \u20ac67 million operational assistance package on migration.<\/span><\/p>\n Tunisian President Kais Saied has <\/span>rejected<\/span><\/a> EU funds, although \u20ac60 million had already been injected into Tunisia’s treasury, with \u20ac13 million\u00a0 given to the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and \u20ac8 million to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). However, other funding has been retained, such as the amount of over \u20ac13 million allocated to the \u201c<\/span>Strengthening the Tunisian Coast Guard Training Pillar\u201d<\/span><\/a> project funded by the European Union and implemented by the German Federal Police and the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD) until June 2026.<\/span><\/p>\n The relationship between the EU and Tunisia is complex, with EU officials noting the importance of direct contacts in conducting relations. Meanwhile, evidence collected by Search and Rescue (SAR) NGOs and observers paints a grim picture of the treatment of migrants by Tunisian coastguards. Reports of physical violence, the use of firearms, engine removal, and boat collisions contribute to the harrowing risks faced by migrants at sea. Furthermore, according to humanitarian organisations, Tunisia’s delay in establishing a formal SAR (Search and Rescue) zone, crucial for conducting rescue operations beyond its territorial waters, highlights the urgent need for comprehensive and humane migration management solutions.<\/span><\/p>\n This article is part of the special series “Tunisia – Land of Passage”, produced by Specto Media<\/a> and aid\u00f3ni<\/strong>. Listen to the podcast here<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" The plight of tens of thousands fleeing across the Mediterranean in search of a better life in Europe is well documented.\u00a0 A staggering number perish during the journey, giving rise to the grim moniker – “the bigger cemetery of migrants of the world.”\u00a0 However, another facet of this crisis, though less spoken of, has been … Continue reading Waves of constraint: questions raised over Tunisia’s Coast Guard approach to migration<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":781,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3,5],"tags":[17],"class_list":["post-773","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-article","category-partnerships","tag-featured"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/test.aidoni.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/773","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/test.aidoni.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/test.aidoni.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/test.aidoni.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/test.aidoni.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=773"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/test.aidoni.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/773\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/test.aidoni.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/test.aidoni.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=773"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/test.aidoni.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=773"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/test.aidoni.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=773"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}Wall of silence<\/b><\/h4>\n
An uneasy partnership<\/b><\/h4>\n