Amine Snoussi: Tunisia has become Europe’s coastguards

In an interview with aidóni, journalist Amine Snoussi denounces the authoritarian drifts of President Kaïs Saïed and his instrumentalization of the migration issue for political purposes. He sheds light on the opaque financing granted by Europe to Tunisia in exchange for outsourcing border management, which results in documented human rights violations by numerous organisations.

By Méline Laffabry (edited by Rogerio Simoes)

Since 2011 and the revolution that initiated the establishment of a representative democracy regime, Tunisia has benefited from substantial European funding, notably to support civil society and democracy. “Tunisia is living on a drip feed in terms of IMF loans and grants,”  says Amine Snoussi, a Tunisian journalist and author.

However, since the transition to an authoritarian regime in 2021, funding has been declining. “There are increasing difficulties in financially supporting Tunisia, as there is no longer an interest in saying that we support the only democracy in the Arab world. The regime’s solution has been to condition aid on stricter migration regulation.”

Amine Snoussi highlights the opacity surrounding the use of these funds. He points out the lack of control and transparency in the management of funds allocated to the Tunisian Ministry of the Interior, responsible for border management.

Financing controversial policies

Tunisia’s migration policy, under  President Kaïs Saïed, has hardened in recent years. “There has been  indeed a reality of anti-Black racism in Tunisia long before [the rise to power of Kaïs Saïed],” says Snoussi “It was a racism omnipresent among individuals, in administrative contexts, in the renewal of residence permits, in contexts of social violence, disdain. But it was not at the top of the State. And now, that’s what is different.”

In a speech on February 21, 2023, the Tunisian president declared that “hordes of illegal immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa” had arrived in Tunisia and were responsible for “violence, crimes, and unacceptable acts.” He added that it was an “abnormal” situation that was part of a criminal plan designed to “transform Tunisia’s demographic composition” and turn it “into an African state that no longer belongs to the Arab-Islamic world”. The speech was denounced by numerous international organisations and sparked a wave of violence in the country.

Accepting European funding for border control allows Kaïs Saïed to finance his own migration policy. “The idea is to prevent sub-Saharans from even coming to Tunisia. It’s to turn Tunisia into a hostile place for migrants, like Libya, so there isn’t even an attempt to pass through Tunisia to reach Europe,” says Snoussi.

European “diplomatic cynicism”

Amine Snoussi cites the example of police raids carried out in the summer of 2023. “We still need to contextualize what happened last summer. These are police officers coming to fetch Blacks from their homes, just because they are Black. They don’t know if they are irregular. They don’t check anything, they put them on buses and dump them in the desert. Without water, without anything.” 

The journalist points to what he considers lack of reaction outside the country. “There weren’t that many condemnations. There wasn’t that much criticism from European countries. There wasn’t concern. There wasn’t a questioning of relations.”

He denounces  what he sees as cynicism of European countries that finance Tunisia’s repressive migration policies and turn a blind eye to human rights violations. He points that European nations have already collaborated with authoritarian regimes in the past, in Tunisia and elsewhere.

“They just saw someone who was capable of doing the dirty work for them. Why do we accept to do business and finance illegal things? I don’t know, but it’s not new. In any case, under Ben Ali, for example, France, Europe, knew that the Ministry of the Interior was torturing people, imprisoning opponents, sometimes killing them. That didn’t prevent them from funding programs for the Tunisian police, in equipment, technology, etc.”

This has been happening with Europe’s relationship with Egypt, he says. “Europe knows very well that Egypt has a number of political opponents in prison that defy any competition. These are figures worthy of a medium-sized city in France. There is no political freedom. There is mistreatment of opponents. That doesn’t prevent France from making it its main ally in terms of arms sales, in terms of sharing diplomatic intelligence, sharing intelligence, etc. I think it’s more general. There is a diplomatic cynicism that has settled in. As long as it serves our interests, it’s not a big deal.”

“Transfer of sovereignty”

The current situation, amounting to an outsourcing of border management by Europe, is not just a transfer of financial means, according to Amine Snoussi. He says it is also, and above all, a transfer of responsibility.

“Outsourcing borders also makes borders them more difficult to access. It’s about training Tunisia to be more aggressive on its borders, to be more rigorous, and above all to have coastguards capable of ensuring that migrants end up in the water. [That these coastguards] are ready to do this to protect Europe from the arrival of migrants. This, in fact, is a transfer of sovereignty because de facto, politically, it is not up to [Tunisia] to manage Europe’s borders. And especially, it is a major problem for the rest of Africa.

“We find ourselves in a situation where one country agrees to play Europe’s coastguards on another continent, with neighbours turning a blind eye, and a whole system in place.”

Why would this system serve European interests? “I think there are quite a few liberals and people from the European political majority who say, come on, let’s move the problem away. Let’s put it in Tunisia,” says Snoussi. And like that, it won’t be visible anymore. The problem is that migrants exist, we see them. That’s what’s scary. When there is media coverage of SOS Méditerranée, of migrants dying at sea, etc., it’s problematic for Europe, it’s problematic for its image, problematic for the political credibility of the people leading it.  If we give the responsibility, and then we can blame the Tunisian state, Westerners win on both sides.”

 Amine Snoussi believes the  goal is to place responsibility on others. “Handing over responsibility for migration to private organisations, let’s not lie to ourselves about what that will lead to. We’ve seen it, even with organisations that are not private, like Frontex. The humanitarian catastrophe that is Frontex… I don’t think the objective is to be more discreet. I think the idea is not to assume responsibility.”

“Saying ‘it’s not us’ is always powerful when it comes to migration. Because in the Mediterranean, everyone is responsible. It’s not just the countries with a maritime border. It’s all of Europe that is responsible. Because they never wanted to harmonise the reception policy, they never wanted to relax visa conditions, etc. The idea is not to assume political responsibility. It’s to entrust this role to another institution and not be responsible for the deaths.”

This article is part of the special series “Tunisia – Land of Passage”, produced by Specto Media and aidóni. Listen to the podcast here.

“Migrants try to leave Tunisia as quickly as possible,” says local human rights activist

Romdhane Ben Amor, a committed activist and spokesperson for the human rights organisation FTDES , paints a turbulent and challenging picture of his country with respect of its treatment of foreigners fleeing conflict or poverty.

By Marina Vidal (edited by Rogerio Simoes)

The year was 2008. In Redeyef, the Tunisian South-Western town   Romdhane Ben Amor comes from, a social movement against the Ben Ali regime started to spring. Back then, the longtime dictator had been in power for two decades and the Tunisian Revolution was still an idea,  three years away from succeeding in ousting Ben Ali.

“The movement was repressed by the Tunisian state, the Ben Ali regime. Some young people died, and hundreds or more were imprisoned,” recalls the activist. “During that period, I was attending many events and I also started blogging. At one of  those events in 2008, I got to know the founding members of FTDES, who were there as activists, human rights defenders, trade unionists.”

In  the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights (FTDES), Romdhane found an ideological match, and it wasn’t long before they all started working together. “Then came the revolution, they set up the forum, and I was invited to join them as a member.”

Even though he initially worked on communication issues and protest movements, with time Romdhane became more and more interested in migration topics and started focusing his work on the country’s changing reality in terms of demography. “I am now continuing my studies as a demography researcher, and the reason I chose this topic is because of the way it intersects with the migration issue.”

But the migration topic in Tunisia is not an easy one to study or work with, even more so in recent times. In the 15 years  since Romdhane first started his activism, Tunisia has witnessed different scenarios in terms of migration, shifting from a country of origin to a land of passage.

 “The country has been transformed since 2020. A lot of factors have contributed to this transformation, and there have been many changes. There’s the external factor,  which is more to do with the dynamics of migration and European policies, which have led to the closing of the eastern route, or the route through Libya, and have indirectly pushed migrants to seek other routes like Tunisia,” he explains. “But there are also internal factors, linked to Tunisia’s political, economic, and social crisis.”

Being active on the field has showed Romdhane how Tunisians themselves are also directly influencing the situation. “Tunisians, of course, are also making a major contribution,  especially through the creation of these networks of smugglers. It’s an informal economy that has affected the most disadvantaged, the most marginalised people, that is to say, the border with Algeria, the border with Libya, and the rural areas. Even the Sfax region.” 

“There´s also the policy of President Kaïs Saied, who has created a climate of hatred against migrants. Migrants used to take the time they needed to prepare their migration plans, but Kaïs Saied’s actions have led thousands of them to try to leave Tunisia as quickly as possible, whatever the conditions.” Ever since the leader’s infamous speech in February 2023, in which he referred to the migrants’ situation as “unnatural” and made xenophobic and racist comments, navigating the terrain of migration advocacy has become increasingly arduous.

Fear of reprimand

During the day, Romdhane works as a primary school teacher, and at night, or any spare hour he gets, he contributes to FTDES’ work by reading, writing, attending meetings, or coordinating the different departments in the organisation. “With my other occupation, it was already hard for me to dedicate time to it, but things are starting to get difficult in Tunisia, to work on migration… Everything changed, especially after the president’s racist speech.”

As a spokesperson for FTDES, Romdhane used to be able to talk about social, civic, and environmental issues without fear of reprimand. Not anymore. “We were also critical of state policies, of the various governments, but we were never subjected to pressure or attacks. Things are different in Tunisia now.”

He says the collaboration between his country and the European Union is failing to help manage Tunisia’s situation and, potentially, even intensifying the problem. “There is a lack of transparency, which is also a strategic choice by the Tunisian state to not talk about cooperation projects related to externalising borders. […] And also on the part of European, French or Italian authorities, there is not enough communication, especially on the security aspect and the resources that are made available for Tunisia to use.” 

On the other hand, and partially as a result of the externalisation and the policies adopted by the Tunisian Ministry of the Interior, organisations say that violations of people´s rights in the country have been increasing every day. “We´ve seen migrants being deprived of their rights; they don’t have the right to work, the right to accommodation”

Whether it be directed to refugees, asylum seekers, students, or migrant workers, Romdhane sees examples of this violation on a daily basis. “Now we see migrants and refugees grouped together in public spaces. In Tunis, in front of the Tunisian agencies, or in a public garden in front of the UNHCR offices. In the Sfax region, they gather under olive trees, forcibly evacuated from the town, and pushed around by the National Guard. The south of Tunisia, a place surrounded by sea on three sides, has turned into a sort of detention camp peninsula.”

Romdhane Ben Amor’s words paint a turbulent picture of Tunisia, an image he hopes to change by continuously advocating for the rights of those who are maginalised by society and  do not have a voice in his country. To him, working with FTDES is a means to that end. 

About FTDES: The Tunisian Forum for Social and Economic Rights (in French Forum Tunsien pour les Droits Economiques et Sociaux – FTDES) is a Tunisian organisation founded in 2011 to fight for people’s economic and social rights at the national and international level. FTDES is working on the following themes: labour rights, women’s rights, environmental rights, and migrant rights.

This article is part of the special series “Tunisia – Land of Passage”, produced by Specto Media and aidóni. Listen to the podcast here.

 

Waves of constraint: questions raised over Tunisia’s Coast Guard approach to migration

The plight of tens of thousands fleeing across the Mediterranean in search of a better life in Europe is well documented.  A staggering number perish during the journey, giving rise to the grim moniker – “the bigger cemetery of migrants of the world.”  However, another facet of this crisis, though less spoken of, has been raised  by testimonies and documented by NGOs.

 

By Ata Ahmet Kökçü (edited by Méline Laffabry)

On 9 March 2023, an incident was reported by Alarm Phone. The organisation, initiated in October 2014 by activist networks and civil society actors in Europe and North Africa, operates as a crucial lifeline for refugees in distress in the Mediterranean Sea. That day, they reported “Tunisian Coast Guard stealing engines and watching from a distance,” and shared the testimony of an exile. “We were born on the wrong side of the ocean and we are suffering. We have 6-month-old babies with us. The Tunisian coastguard took the engines to sell them for money.”

Alarm Phone isn’t alone in these accusations. Witnesses and human rights organisations, including the Tunisian Forum for Social and Economic Rights (FTDES), Oxfam, and Borderline Europe, all level similar charges against Tunisian authorities. These include brutal and severe measures such as ramming boats, physically assaulting occupants, and disabling vessels by removing their engines, leaving migrants adrift at sea. These practices   have been reported by people in exile who tried to cross the Mediterranean, families of missing migrants, and Tunisian activists to Eléonore Plé, founder of Specto Média, while she was investigating the reality of people in exile in Tunisia in the summer of 2023. 

Wall of silence

Tunisian authorities have denied the accusations or provided reasons which, according to them, explain why some of those measures have been taken.

Despite mounting evidence and international outcry, European governments also maintain a stance that aligns with Tunisian official narratives. They claim engine removal is a safety measure to facilitate rescue operations — a claim  criticised by many as misleading. Critics, including Tunisian and European humanitarian organisations, argue that these practices constitute human rights violations. They accuse EU countries of complicity by continuing to support the Tunisian coast guard while downplaying the gravity of their actions. “The Tunisian coastguard’s partners, especially Germany and Italy, are adopting Tunisia’s narrative,” said the Tunisian FTDES chairman Romdhane Ben Amor. “We see this as complicity in the concealment of attacks on migrants.”

The situation is further complicated by the perilous state of press freedom in Tunisia, particularly since 2021. “You know journalism in Tunisia today is both difficult and very risky,” confided a Tunisian journalist who wished to remain anonymous for safety reasons. “Since 2021, we are not allowed to work on the ground and many journalists are now jailed because they reported  stuff. What you said about migrants is what we all say, but we are unable to prove it because we can’t do the necessary investigations.”

An uneasy partnership

Despite the accusations against the Tunisian coast guards and numerous critics about the impact EU financial support for border control in Tunisia, the European Union has sought to bolster Tunisia’s capacity to manage migration and the challenges it brings. On 22 September 2023, in line with the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on a strategic and comprehensive partnership, the EU announced significant financial support for Tunisia. This included €60 million for post-Covid recovery, requested by Tunisia on 31 August, and an additional €67 million operational assistance package on migration.

Tunisian President Kais Saied has rejected EU funds, although €60 million had already been injected into Tunisia’s treasury, with €13 million  given to the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and €8 million to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). However, other funding has been retained, such as the amount of over €13 million allocated to the “Strengthening the Tunisian Coast Guard Training Pillar” project funded by the European Union and implemented by the German Federal Police and the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD) until June 2026.

The relationship between the EU and Tunisia is complex, with EU officials noting the importance of direct contacts in conducting relations. Meanwhile, evidence collected by Search and Rescue (SAR) NGOs and observers paints a grim picture of the treatment of migrants by Tunisian coastguards. Reports of physical violence, the use of firearms, engine removal, and boat collisions contribute to the harrowing risks faced by migrants at sea. Furthermore, according to humanitarian organisations, Tunisia’s delay in establishing a formal SAR (Search and Rescue) zone, crucial for conducting rescue operations beyond its territorial waters, highlights the urgent need for comprehensive and humane migration management solutions.

This article is part of the special series “Tunisia – Land of Passage”, produced by Specto Media and aidóni. Listen to the podcast here.

“My nephews arrived safely in Lampedusa. We never heard from them again”

Since 2011, tens of thousands of people have  perished while attempting to cross the Mediterranean Sea to reach the shores of the European Union, a catastrophe that has left thousands of families in mourning. Less known is the drama of many migrants whose fate is still unclear, having disappeared after arriving in European soil. Among those desperately seeking answers and fighting for justice is Imed Soltani, a mechanic in Tunis. His personal storyplaces him at the forefront of a poignant struggle for truth and dignity for the victims.

 

By Méline Laffabry (edited by Rogerio Simoes)

In March 2011,  Imed Soltani’s two nephews, Belhassan (23)  and Slim (27) Soltani,  tried their luck to cross the Mediterranean. “The whole family knew they wanted to leave for Europe to improve their standard of living.”

Slim and Belhassane  are among tens of thousands of Tunisians who left their country and took to the sea to try to reach Europe since 2011. Only between late January and September 2011, more than 27,000 had arrived on the Italian island of Lampedusa. “We know our boys arrived in Lampedusa but disappeared there on 1 March, 2011.”

“At that time, there was a lot of noise about arrivals in Lampedusa. There were many videos. Italian and European media were talking about it every day. Italian residents were not happy. The Prime Minister at the time, Silvio Berlusconi, went there and announced that he would leave no trace of Tunisians  and return the island to Italians,” explains Imed.

Indeed, Silvio Berlusconi announced drastic and rapid measures. “The government has prepared a plan to evacuate, to free the island, within two to two and a half days. Within forty-eight to sixty hours, Lampedusa will be inhabited only by Lampedusans,” the prime minister declared during his visit on 30 March, 2011.

In search of their boys, Imed and his family then began their “struggle for justice and truth.” By gathering several families of the missing in search of answers, Imed founded the association “Terre pour tous” (Land for All). “We chose this name because we know that if there is not land for all, there is no justice. If we do not fight, the number of deaths and disappearances in the Mediterranean will continue to increase.”

The association operates without any financial support. “We don’t even have a bank account. We want to keep a free voice and total freedom of speech. If we accept money from the European Union, we can no longer clearly say what we think and denounce what is happening.”

In 2015, the families obtained the opening of an investigation commission. “We sent all the videos and call records of our boys proving that they had indeed arrived in Lampedusa. We have testimonies and videos showing that large boats, on 1, 14, and 29 of March, and 29 of April, brought immigrants but we never heard from them again. We don’t know where these boats were going. There is something wrong. We spoke to the Italian Ministry of the Interior in Rome where there is an office dealing with missing people. They never gave a clear answer to Tunisian families.”

“An undeclared war”

Imed minces no words. For him, these deaths and disappearances are a direct consequence of European policies. “EU policies are an undeclared war. There are agreements between the European Union and Tunisia and between Italy and Tunisia that make our country the border guard of Europe. We do not agree with this and we fight against it. These policies have turned the Mediterranean into a cemetery and we want the EU to take responsibility.”

“A month ago, in March 2024, we found the bodies of six boys buried in Italian graves with no names, only identified by numbers. They had left Tunisia in October 2023 and had not given any sign of life after arriving in Lampedusa. This is not the first time that in searching for our missing persons, we find their bodies in Italian cemeteries. After DNA tests, we were able to pressure the government to have them repatriated and buried in Tunisian graves with their names where their families can come to mourn.”

Imed is also sensitive to the fate of sub-Saharan exiles passing through Tunisia to reach the Mediterranean. “We stand in solidarity with sub-Saharans. Many of them are in Sfax. They live in camps, in fields, under trees. This is unacceptable.”

To protect Tunisians and sub-Saharans and do justice to those for whom it is already too late, Imed and his association work tirelessly. . “All these problems are due to the closure of borders and the non-respect of international laws and human rights. We just want respect for these laws. Respect for the humanity of each person. That’s our fight.”

This article is part of the special series “Tunisia – Land of Passage”, produced by Specto Media and aidóni. Listen to the podcast here.